|
OTTOMAN EMPIRE and EUROPEAN
THEATRE
From the Beginnings to 1800
I.
Sultan III Selim & Mozart
International Symposium in Two
Acts
Organized by Don Juan Archiv Wien
In Cooperation with
The UNESCO International
Theatre Institute in Vienna
and
The Austrian Cultural Forum in
Istanbul under
the Patronage of:
Grand National Assembly of
Turkey – Deputy Secretary General
Austrian Foreign Ministry /
Cultural Section
Embassy of Turkish Republic in
Vienna
Embassy of Austrian Republic in
Ankara
Vienna / Istanbul
Vienna:
Istanbul:
Dates: 25th – 26th
April
2008
Dates: 5th – 6th June 2008
Venue: UNESCO –
ITI Venue:
Austrian Cultural Forum
Palais
Khevenhüller
Palais Yeniköy
Türkenstraße
19,
Köybaşı Cad. 44, Yeniköy
A-1090
Wien
TR-34464 Istanbul
Program Vienna
25th April 2008, Friday.
3
09:30-10:30
Vienna Symposium Opening Ceremony.
3
11:00-12:30
Session I (Opening Session) “ Opera & Diplomacy ”.
4
14:30-17:30
Session II “ Cross Europe I – Besieging Vienna /
Conquering London ”.
6
26th April 2008, Saturday.
8
09:00-11:00
Session III “ Italian Reflections ”.
8
14:30-16:45
Session V (Closing Session) “ Cross Europe II –
From Denmark to The Sublime Porte ”
12
27th April 2008, Sunday.
14
Preview: (Act II) ISTANBUL..
15
25th April 2008,
Friday
Welcome Helga Dostal
President of the International Theatre Institute of the UNESCO / Centrum
Österreich
Greetings Selim Yenel
Ambassador of the Republic of Turkey in Austria
Emil Brix
Ambassador, Austrian Foreign Ministry / Cultural Section
Wolfgang Greisenegger
University of Vienna; Department for Theater- Film- and Mediastudies
Opening Michael Hüttler
Don Juan Archiv Wien
10:30-11:00 Coffee Break
11:00-12:30 Session I (Opening Session)
“ Opera & Diplomacy ”
Chair: Gabriele C.
Pfeiffer (Vienna)
Speakers:
Suna Suner (Vienna)
Günsel Renda (Istanbul)
Frank Huss (Vienna)
1. Suna Suner (Vienna)
The earliest Opera Performances in the Ottoman World and Ambassadors’ role.
What could be said about
performance in the Ottoman Seraglio in the eighteenth century especially
during the era of Sultan Selim III (1761-1808, r.1789-1807), who was a
contemporary of Mozart? In Ottoman history, the eighteenth century is an
era characterized by ‘westernization’ and a movement towards modernization
(Mustafa Cezar in “Ottoman Cultural Scene in 18th Century”,
Association of Art History Pub. 3, Istanbul 1998: 44-5). But was it
composed of and represented by acrobats, comedians, magicians, and
shadow-theatre players belonging to the Sultan’s subjects performing in
presence of the Sultan only for the mere sake of his entertainment? Could
opera be talked about in the Ottoman world as early as the eighteenth
century? What could be said about Ottoman Sultans engaging in and indulging
themselves with opera as a form of entertainment or even as a form of
performing art?
This paper, a constituent of a
research project run by the Don Juan Archiv Wien since February 2007,
provides a prelude to the series of symposia entitled Ottoman Empire &
European Theatre – From the Beginnings to 1800. It will serve as
background for the contributions to follow, potentially giving way to a
productive exchange and discussion platform by portraying the earliest
traces (1524) and evidence (1786) of the beginning of opera performances in
the Ottoman world. Related to this issue, the paper endeavours also to
present exploration of the relations of diplomacy and culture of the
Ottoman Empire and the European States mainly in the eighteenth century.
The alluring and
thought-provoking subject of the Ottoman Empire and European theatre
undeniably deserves special attention not only in terms of theatre and
cultural studies, but it is also consistent with the contemporary agenda of
relations between Turkey and the European Union.
2. Günsel Renda
(Istanbul)
European Ambassadors at the Ottoman Court: The Imperial Protocol in Late 18th
Century
In the Ottoman State, the
reception of ambassadors was governed by an imperial protocol that was
followed without change until the mid 19th Century. The ambassador would
first visit the residence of the grand vizier where a date would be given to
him for the official reception by the sultan. On the morning of the
reception the ambassador and his retinue would proceed to the Topkapı Palace
on horseback with a military escort. The procession would first pass
through, Bâb-ı Hümâyûn
(The Imperial Gate) and the Bâb-üs Selâm (“The Gate of Salutation)
and then ushered into a chamber near the imperial council chamber where the
grand vizier would serve the guests a dinner. The delegation would then
observe a meeting of the council conducted by the grand vizier and
subsequently be admitted to an adjoining room where the ambassador and his
retinue were given fur-lined kaftans. Wearing these, they were admitted to
the throne room. The sultan’s reception in the throne room followed strict
rules of protocol.
With the increase in European
diplomatic relations in the 18th Century, the receptions of the
ambassadors were documented in literary works and illustrated by several
artists.
The paper will discuss the
receptions of European ambassadors in the late 18th Century using
historical records, literary works and illustrations.
3. Frank Huss (Vienna)
AUF TÜRKISCHE ART PRÄCHTIG AUFGEPUTZT -
The visit to Vienna by the extraordinary Ottoman Envoy,
Chaddi Mustafa Effendi, in the year 1748
Chaddi Mustafa Effendi, the
extraordinary envoy of the Ottoman ruler, Mahmud I (1696-1754, r.
1730-1754), set off from Constantinople for Vienna at the end of January,
1748. The reason for the envoy’s trip was primarily to confirm the peace
treaty of Belgrade which had been concluded after the last war between the
houses of Austria and Ottoman in 1739, with the new Holy Roman Emperor,
Francis Stephen I (*1708-1765, r.1745-1765). In addition, the visit served
to communicate the congratulations of the Ottoman ruler on the coronations
of Francis Stephen as Emperor (1745) and of his wife, Maria Theresia
(*1717-1780), as Queen of Hungary (1741), and to improve trade relations
between the two countries.
However, the population of Vienna
must have been more than a little astonished as Chaddi Mustafa rode through
the outskirts of the city on May 15, 1748: his camp-followers consisted of
approximately a hundred people, including trumpeters, a ‘‘stable attendant’
(Achor-Kihajasi), an equerry together with grooms, an Imam, the
‘‘Ceremoniarius’ (Capitschiler Kihajasi), the ‘Divan Effendi” (Legation
Secretary), in addition to treasurers, chefs, water carriers, servants,
slaves, military personnel and much more, as well as approximately fifty
valuable horses and wagons, all draped in red.
The ‘diplomatic’ part of the
visit consisted of audiences with the President of the Court Council of War,
Count Johann Joseph Philipp von Harrach (on May 27, 1748), and with their
imperial and royal majesties in the Wiener Burg, the main imperial residence
(June 6 and June 10, 1748). After the second audience with the imperial
majesties had been enjoyed, Chaddi Mustafa’s official work seemed to have
been done and he could devote himself completely to pleasure. The program
included, among other things, a visit to the Imperial Treasury and the
gallery, a ‘kleine Jagd’ (‘small hunt’) in the Prater, a visit to the ‘so
genannten Kahlenberg’ (‘so-called Kahlenberg’) to enjoy the pleasant
‘Sommer=Luft’ (summer air) there, a visit to the ‘Neu=Gebäu’, of the
‘Collegium der Gesellschaft Jesu’ (‘College of the Society of Jesus”), and
‘die aldasige Mathematische Kunst=Sammlung’ (‘mathematical art collection’);
and as the highlight, four visits to the opera.
On July 14, the envoy and some of
his retinue visited the ‘the theatre adjoining the castle, which was built
under an imperial privilege’, in order to attend an ‘Italian musical opera’
(La Finta Pazzia di Diana).
On July 17, Chaddi Mustafa
visited the Burgtheater once again, this time in the presence of the
imperial family. On that evening, he attended the premiere of the most
recent opera by the poet, Cesareo Pietro Metstasio (1698-1782) Alessandro
nell’Indie with music by Georg Christoph Wagenseil (1715-1777), featuring
the alto, Vittoria Tesi (1700-1775), well-known all over Europe as
Cleofide, and the castrato Angelo Amorevoli (1716-1798), known as Alexander,
in the main roles. In the course of this performance, Chaddi Mustafa was
also ‘treated again to confections and various sumptuous refreshments at the
expense of the Imperial and Royal Court’. On Monday, the 29th of July, 1748,
he attended a German comedy in the Kärntnertortheater. His fourth visit to
the theatre was to the one adjacent to the castle for a performance of the
opera, Orazio by Antonio Palomba (1705-1769), with music by Giovanni
Battista Pergolesi (1710-1736).
The Wienerische Diarium mentioned
in its edition of September 14, 1748, that the ‘Turkish extraordinary envoy
Chaddi Mustafa Efendi had had his farewell audience with both reigning
imperial majesties and in a few days had set out on his return journey to
Constantinople’.
The peace treaties of Belgrade
dating from the year 1739 were renewed because of the visit of the envoy and
were to remain in effect for forty years. It was only in 1788 that Kaiser
Josef II of Austria (*1741, r.1765-1790) took Russia’s side in a renewed
war against the ‘Porte’ which was only ended by his brother and successor
Leopold II (*1747, r.1790-1792) with the Treaty of Sistova (currently
Svishtov, Bulgaria) of August 4, 1791. At that time, the Ottoman Sultan was
the ‘Reform sultan’, Selim III (1761-1808, r. 1789-1807), who, in the course
of his reforms, established in 1791 the first permanent diplomatic
representation of the Ottoman Empire at the Imperial Court.
12:30-14:30 Lunch Break
(AAI-Café,
Türkenstr. 3, 1090 Vienna)
14:30-17:30 Session II
“ Cross Europe I – Besieging Vienna / Conquering London ”
Chair: Helga
Dostal (Vienna)
Speakers: Memo G.
Schachiner (Vienna)
Thomas Betzwieser (Bayreuth)
Emre Araci (Kent)
Everybody knows what the
Janissary Music is: This is the Turkish Music! What kind of music is it?
Nobody knows!
The Ottomans called the
Christians Kafir which stands for ‘ungodly’. And the Europeans called
the Ottomans Turk, which also stands for ‘ungodly, main enemy of
Christendom’. The Ottoman Empire was a multi-ethnical state and ‘Turk’ was
neither a national nor an ethnical term. There has never been any ‘Turkish
music’ in history.
Janissaries were the
slave-soldiers in the private army of Ottoman Sultans. Their job was
murdering, but not playing music.
However, there were not fewer
books published about the Janissary Music in 20th Century than
about W. A. Mozart. Not about the music, but about the musical instruments
of the Janissaries.
It is true, that there was a
musical trend in German speaking countries in 18th Century,
called ‘Janissary Music’ or ‘Turkish Music’. In this music some new
percussion Instruments were used, which were not known in the Ottoman
Empire.
Another truth is, that the
Ottoman Sultans had a very big field-(not only military-) music band that
never used any ‘Turkish Crescent’ or ‘Triangle’. This kind of band was
called as Mihterhane (“House of the Higher Officials”). But – except
some Turkish journalists – nobody researched it scientifically till I did
it.
The ‘nostalgia bands’ called
Mehter Team in Turkey today are only a product of the fantasy of some
European authors. In the martial spirit of the 1930s, beginning with Henry
George Farmer (1882-1965), a lot of European authors created legends about
the ‘Janissary Music’. These legends had been the ‘dogmas’ of musicology.
I will report on the historical realities and compare them with those
legends.
2. Thomas Betzwieser
(Bayreuth)
Ottoman Representation and Musical “alla turca”: Visiting an unknown
Viennese Theatre Source
In 1925, in his book Gluck und
Durazzo im Burgtheater, Robert Haas mentioned a musical manuscript
related to the ‘Turkish’ vogue in opera and ballet of the 1750s and 1760s.
Since then, this document has remained unexplored by scholars, although it
seems to be highly important in relation to musical and theatrical
“exoticism” in Vienna. The manuscript entitled Airs et intermèdes de la
Tragédie (A-Wn Cod. 17874) can be identified as incidental music
(“Schauspielmusik”), a genreform
mostly that was
uncommon in Viennese theatres at that time.
In the first instance, the paper
tries to identify the Oriental play (i.e. tragedy), in which these
intermèdes may have been inserted (e.g. Voltaire’s Zaire). In a
second step, it investigates the character of the source, since the
manuscript presents,
habits and customs of the Ottoman society. The intermèdes are
divided into several sections related to ,
specific official and religious ceremonies: La visite des Turcs,
Le repas, L’audience, La priere, and Pratique de
dévotion des Derviches.
The most interesting issue,
however, is the music. The manuscript consists of thirteen pieces which seem
to be a compilation of ‘Turkish’ music known to that date. Some could be
identified as Austrian pieces (e.g. by Johann Joseph Fux, 1660-1741);
others, surprisingly, as French ‘Oriental’ pieces that were composed in
relation to a political Ottoman-French encounter in 1742. The manuscript
also includes pieces that present entirely new ‘Turkish’ features that were
not common in the Viennese ‘alla turca’ repertoire, leading to the
assumption that the intermèdes were designed and composed for an
official, political Austrian-Ottoman event at that time, which could explain
their extraordinary theatrical and musical character.
3. Emre Araci (London)
Investigating Ottoman Musical Representations in Britain from Late Late
Eighteenth to Mid-nineteenth Century
The first permanent Ottoman
Ambassador to the Court of St James, Yusuf Agâh
Efendi (1744-1823/24), arrived in London in December 1793 as the
representative of Sultan Selim III (1761-1808, r.1789-1807). The
ambassador’s arrival in the city seems to have sparked a series of
Ottoman-themed musical and stage performances and the creation of a number
of grand Turkish ambassadorial marches by British composers.
This paper looks at different
representations of ‘Turks’ and Ottoman related subjects in British musical
life from the late eighteenth to mid-nineteenth century, from stage works to
military music, from fashionable balls in London to the fierce battles of
Crimea, finally culminating in the celebrated visit of Sultan Abdulaziz
(1830-1876, r.1861-1876) to London in 1867, which was marked by a grand
choral hymn sung in the Ottoman language by sixteen hundred British singers
at Crystal Palace.
18:00 Closing of the First Day
19:30 Concert and Reception at the Turkish Embassy
(by Invitation)
Welcome: Selim Yenel
Ambassador of the Republic of Turkey in Austria
Concert / Recital: Nadja Kayali
(Concept and Presentation),
Christopher Hinterhuber
(Piano), Jennifer
Davison
(Soprano), Brigitte
Pekarek
(Reading)
Turkish Embassy, Prinz
Eugen Straße 40, 1040 Vienna
26th April 2008,
Saturday
09:00-11:00
Session III
“ Italian Reflections ”
Chair: Michael
Hüttler (Vienna)
Speakers:
Derek Weber (Vienna)
Marianne Traven (Uppsala)
Erich Duda (Vienna)
1. Derek Weber
(Vienna)
From Zaide to Die Entführung aus dem Serail: Mozart on his
Oriental Way to German Opera
Mozart has written two ‘Turkish’
operas: The first, and unfinished Zaide (composed in Salzburg at the
turn of 1779/80; KV 344), and some years later, better known, Die
Entführung aus dem Serail (“The Abduction from the Seraglio”, composed
in Vienna 1781/82; KV 384).
Zaide
was composed in Salzburg, at a time determined by different musical
experiments in the realm of symphony as well as music for the stage, for
instance the revision of the music to Thamos König von Egypten
(“Thamos, King of Egypt“; KV 345). Not withstanding the music’s beauty,
Zaide has received attention only during the last decades. The main
reason: the opera not only remained unfinished; it stops at a crucial
dramaturgic point (when two of the protagonists have been sentenced to death
and no ‘good’ solution is in sight). Moreover, the original spoken dialogs
have been lost and had to be supplemented (in the middle of the 19th
century) by the text of the presumed model to the libretto – a Türkenstück
of a certain Franz Josef Sebastiani († p. 1778), with music composed by
Joseph Frieberth (1724-1799) Das Serail. Oder: Die
unvermuthete Zusammenkunft in der Sclaverey zwischen Vater, Tochter und
Sohn (“The Seraglio. Or: The Unexpected Encounter in
Slavery from Father, Daughter, and Son”), printed in Bozen 1779.
Although Zaide lacks the
dramatic unity of Idomeneo, which was completed only one year later
(premiered Munich, jan. 29th 1781), it is Mozart´s most tragic
opera and represents the important first step on the way to his ‘German’
operas, the Entführung (Vienna, July 16th 1782) and Die
Zauberflöte (“The Magic Flute”, Vienna, September 30th 1791).
Zaide
contains two melologs. In the opera Mozart hits – quasi in the first run –
the tone he later exposes in Entführung and in Zauberflöte,
and introduces subjects and characters (the harem overseer Osmin, falling in
love with a portrait), to which he comes back in his later ‘German’ stage
works. It is in this sense, that Zaide was maybe more decisive for
Mozart’s further development than Idomeneo.
Mozart’s esteem of the music can
be seen (or better: heard) by the fact, that he implemented a Zaide
melody into the Entführung: In Constanza´s aria second aria
“Traurigkeit ward mir zum Lose”, the flutes strike up a phrase from the
last number of the Zaide music, the Quartet, which is then taken over
by the singing voice with the words “Selbst der Luft darf ich nicht sagen
meiner Seele bittern Schmerz”.
However, there is a big
difference between Zaide and Constanze: Zaide is a naive young girl in love,
who seems to act instinctively. Constanze is a women with a ‘past’. She is
much more determined in her decisions, but also more melancholic. Even if
she is young, she seems to be a mature woman in conflict with herself after
she has encountered Bassa Selim (who in fact is not an oriental character,
but a ‘renegade’, which in Mozart’s time meant a European Christian,
converted to Islam). The Bassa (Pasha) is the opposite of one Sultan
Soliman, a patient admirer of Constanze, even when he threatens to use
drastic measures, if he should not be heard. His particular character is
underlined by the fact that he is not a singer, but an actor.
But not only are the characters
more developed and less schematic in the Entführung. In this second
of his ‘German’ operas Mozart also finds to a new equilibrium between the
comic and the tragic. Here, the humor refers to all things people in
Mozart’s times would think to know about the ‘Orient’: that Moslems were
forbidden to drink alcohol, that rulers used to keep women in harems, and
that they were uncultured and bloodthirsty. Another aspect of this
concession to the public taste was the use of ‘Turkish’ elements in music,
whereas Zaide does not contain one single ‘oriental’ piece of music.
If one can mark Entführung
the key work for Mozart’s dramaturgic development, Zaide appears as
the necessary first step in that direction
2. Marianne Traven
(Uppsala)
Getting Emotional – Mozart’s ‘Turkish’ Operas and The Emotive Aspect of
Slavery
This paper explores the emotive
aspect and rhetoric of slavery as depicted by Mozart in the operas Zaide
(unfinished; composed 1779/80; KV 344), and Die Entführung aus dem Serail
(composed 1781/82; KV 384) and L’oca del Cairo (draft; 1783; KV
422). Mozart’s compositional process rested on traditional musical
rhetoric, combined with para- and extralinguistic material as well as
musical gesture, all merged through harmonic structure. In Mozart’s
‘Turkish’ operas emotional prosody and musical gesture create the very image
of slavery. This image reappears in other operassuch as Don Giovanni
(1787), creating a kind of hypertext that often eludes even experienced
listeners
3. Erich Duda (Vienna)
Franz Xaver Süßmayer’s Sinfonia Turchesca (Vienna 1784/87), Il
Turco in Italia (Prague 1794), and Soliman II (Vienna 1799)
Franz Xaver Süßmayr (1766
Schwanenstadt – 1803 Vienna) and his works are little known, apart from the
fact that he was a student and a personal friend of Wolfgang Amadé Mozart,
and that after Mozart’s death Süßmayr completed Mozart’s Requiem. In this
paper, three pieces with ‘Turkish’ themes composed by Süßmayr will be
presented and analyzed: the Sinfonia Turchesca, and the operas Il
Turco in Italia, and Soliman II.
“Sinfonia turchesca in C” might
be the first of Süßmayr’s ‘Turkish’ works. Only one apograph copy exists of
this work so the period of composition can only be estimated as between 1784
and 1787, although some stylistic elements suggest that it may have been
composed after 1800. A representative part of an audio recording of the work
performed by the Concentus Musicus Wien and conducted by Paul Angerer will
be discussed.
Süßmayer wrote his first
stagework in the ‘Turkish’ genre not for a libretto specifically written for
him, but for an existing one: Il Turco in Italia, by Caterino Mazzolà
(1745-1806), set to music by the Saxon Franz Seydelmann (1748-1806). It
premiered in 1788 in Dresden, and was also presented ten times in 1789 in
the Vienna Nationaltheater. Süßmayer composed his music for the Prague
Italian Opera Company whose impresario, Domenico Guardasoni (1731-1806), is
known for having staged the Prague premiere of Don Giovanni (Da
Ponte/Mozart, October 29, 1787) and La Clemenza di Tito (Metastasio
rev. Mazzolà/Mozart, 06.09.1791), for the latter of which, Mozart had taken
Süßmayer to Prague.
The adaptor of Mazzolà’s Turco
in Italia is unknown, but he changed the title, so the opera premiered
as Il Musulmano a Napoli in the Prague Landständische Theater on
February 12, 1794. Süßmayer’s opera was still in Guardasoni’s repertoire in
autumn Ocotber 1, 1794. Whether there were performances of the opera in
other towns is not known.
Süßmayer’s last work with a
‘Turkish’ theme is the opera Soliman der Zweite, based on Charles
Simon Favart’s (1710-1792) Soliman II ou Les trois Sultanes (Paris
1761). The libretto was prepared by Franz Xaver Huber (1755-1814), and
premiered on October 1, 1799 in the Kärntnerthor-Theater, Vienna. Because
it appealed to the fashion of the era, this opera became very popular and
was presented sixty times at various theatres in Vienna, as well as in
Budapest, Salzburg, Baden near Vienna, Prague, and Bremen. An aria from
this opera performed by Ms. Ildikó Raimondi and recorded on CD, will be
discussed.
The ‘Turkish flair’ of these
works is achieved with percussion instruments and piccolo flutes, and also
through the “exotic” flavours of the melody and harmony. At the time, this
kind of music was fashionable and it brought some success to Süßmayr.
11:00-11:30 Coffee
Break
11:30-13:00 Session IV
“ Center On The Edge – The Habsburg Monarchy ”
Chair: Ulf
Birbaumer (Vienna)
Speakers:
Matthias Pernerstorfer (Vienna)
Gabriele Pfeiffer (Vienna)
1. Matthias J. Pernerstorfer (Vienna)
The Second Turkish Siege of Vienna (1683) Reflected in Its First Centenary:
“Anniversary Plays” in the Pálffy Theatre-Library
A project by the Don Juan Archiv
Wien is dedicated to the cataloguing of the “Theater-Bibliothek Pálffy”
(Pálffy Theatre Library, abbrv. as BP), a collection of more than 2,300
plays in 706 volumes from the years 1741 through 1845. The collection owes
its genesis to several members of the Pálffy family which had a distinct
role in Mozart’s reception in Vienna as early as 1762. The plays offer a
cross-section of the repertoire of the Viennese stages during the time of
Sultan Selim III (1761-1808, r.1789-1807) and Mozart (1756-1791), allowing
valuable insight into the diversity of ‘Turkish’ topics that were brought to
the stage. In addition to a description of the project and general
evaluation of the almost unknown collection, the presentation focuses on two
plays by Paul Weidmann (1744-1801) and Friedrich Gensicke (1750-1784) that
are interesting in relation to the centenary celebration of the end of the
second Turkish siege held September 12, 1783.
Paul Weidmann had already written
an original drama in five acts Das befreyte Wien (“Vienna Liberated”,
BP Vol. 206) in 1775, which was restaged in September 1783. The second
Turkish siege of Vienna therefore offers a historical background for
discussing the issue of patriotism and honour, as well as the individual’s
duty towards his or her threatened homeland. This enlightened discourse -
in which the besiegers appear simply as the enemy or “the Turks” - is
studded by scenes in which the comical figure Kolschüzki rudely describes
activities in the Turkish camp, and the unpatriotic Baroness von Schwindheim
is unflatteringly portrayed adopting inappropriately unenlightened ideas
that are unbefitting of her position as she volunteers her poor opinion of
the Turks. Even though the siege and liberation of Vienna was not
interpreted as a religious war, the victors are ultimately celebrated as
“heroes of Christianity” (V/6, p. 75) in the last act.
Friedrich Gensicke’s drama in
three acts, Die belohnte Treue der Wiener Bürger oder: der 12te September
1683 (“The Rewarded Loyalty of Vienna’s Citizens, Or: The 12th
of September 1683”, BP, Vol. 56) was explicitly written, printed and staged
“to celebrate the 100-year anniversary” of Vienna’s liberation from the
second Turkish siege. The drama stages both the besieged city and the
Turkish camp, showing on both sides people placing hopes in their respective
gods. With the appearance of the allegorical figures Peace, Hope, and
Rumour, as well as Vienna’s guardian angel, the play receives a metaphysical
superstructure. As these figures talk about events in the world, they do
not assume a superior Christian God: they view the course of history as
determined by fate, which is not defined by one religion. This interesting
concept is only sacrificed in the last scene of the play for a patriotic
final tableau, when the (partisan) guardian angel of Vienna declares that
its city’s victory is also a victory for Christianity. Consequently, even
though it is a play of strict patriotism, the battle for Vienna is
constructed as a religious war almost exclusively to the human figures.
2. Gabriele C. Pfeiffer (Vienna)
Freemason, Mozart’s Contemporary, Theatre-Director on the Edge: Franz
Kratter and Der Friede am Pruth (“The Treaty of Prut”, 1799).
Cataloguing “Komplex Mauerbach”, Vienna
“Komplex Mauerbach” is an
inventory of mostly German language theatre texts from the mid-eighteenth
century to the first third of the twentieth century. The volumes in the
collection represent cultural assets that had formerly been Jewish property,
were confiscated in Austria by the Nazi administration (1938-1945) and,
after the end of that period, could not be restored to the their owners or
heirs. From 1955 the books, together with other non-restituted objects,
were collected and saved at a Charterhouse on the outskirts of Vienna,
Kartause Mauerbach, hence the name “Mauerbach Collection”. The entire
Mauerbach Collection was auctioned at the Mauerbach Benefit Sale by
Christie's Auction House during the Austrian millennium year of 1996 to
benefit the victims of the Holocaust. The twelve lots of theatre texts are
comprised of about 2,900 small books with about 3,600 plays. The purchaser
and current owner defines the property not as a “collection” in the strict
sense, but as a “complex of multiple origin”. Therefore the ensemble of
booklets is called the “Komplex Mauerbach”. In 2007, the Don Juan Archiv
Wien was entrusted with the task of cataloguing and editing this “Komplex”.
The inventory includes eighty-six
identifiable “Oriental plays,” (representing about 2.4%of the inventory
catalogued as of January 31, 2008) , which were produced between 1751 and
1909. The series starts with Mahomed der Vierte (“Mahomed the
Fourth”; Vienna 1751, Mauerbach No. [MB] 1435), who was Sultan III Selim’s
great-grandfather (1642-1693, r.1648-1687), and closes with Die
Geschichte des Alî Inb Bekkâr mit Schams An Nahâr (“The Story of Alî Inb
Bekkâr with Schams An Nahâr”; Vienna/Leipzig 1909, MB 0001). It contains
mostly plays, but also libretti, such as one which was composed by Mozart’s
last student, Franz Xaver Süßmayer (1766-1803), Solimann der Zweite oder
Die drei Sultaninen (“Solimann the Second or The Three Sultanas”; Vienna
1799, MB 1000).
The titles of the plays may refer
to specific character types such as ‘the Moor’ in the Mohr von Demegonda
(“Moor of Demegonda”; Vienna 1805, MB 0560-61), and to historic figures such
as this symposion’s Sultan, Selim der Dritte (“Selim The Third”;
Vienna 1872, MB 1766), written by an Ottoman diplomat, the Austrian renegade
Murat Effendi (1839-1881). A series of diplomats is represented, starting
with Mädchenfreundschaft oder Der türkische Gesandte (“Girl’s
amity or The Turkish Envoy”; Vienna 1811, MB 1380/05); as well as the host
cities for this symposium, in Die Wäringer in Konstantinopel (“The
Warings in Constantinople”; Berlin 1828, MB 1813), for example, or Die
Türken vor Wien (”The Turks Outside Vienna”; s.l. 1883, MB 0308); as are
places such as Der Harem (”The Harem”; s.l. 1811, MB 1387). This
inventory presents the possibility of establishing thematic groups within
the ‘Oriental plays’ such as sultan dramas and comedies, magical and
magical-harems plays, diplomat plays, and heroic-historical plays.
Among the many aspects (only some
of which have been mentioned here), the plays by the Bavarian Franz Kratter
(1758-1830), one of Mozart's contemporaries who also was a fellow Freemason
in Vienna, focus on a special group: three dramas with Czar Peter I of
Russia (*1672, r.1682-1725†); the third of which, Der Friede am Pruth
(“The Treaty of Prut”; Frankfurt 1799, MB 1422), touches upon a special part
of Ottoman history that was well known in the late eighteenth century. Since
1700, the Czar of Russia was engaged in a war against King of Sweden Carl
XII (*1682, r.1697-1718) and emerged as the victor in 1709. The Swedish
king then fled to Constantinople, where he was received and protected by
Sultan Ahmed III (1673-1736, r.1703-1730, grandfather of Selim III). A
certain episode of that situation is told in Carl XII. Bey Bender
(“Carl XIIth Bey Bender”, Grätz 1800, MB 2486) by Christian
August Vulpius (1762-1827), who was, after 1806, brother-in-law of Johann
Wolfgang Goethe (1749-1832).
Is it possible that the sultan
began a war with Russia on behalf of his highborn protégé? On July 23,
1711, as a result of the historical Treaty of Prut, the Czar was obligated
to guarantee the King of Sweden a safe journey home. (Prut is a tributary
stream of the Danube, rising in what is now the Ukraine, and flowing through
Rumania and Moldova.) Eighty-eight years later, in 1799, Kratter’s play
Der Friede am Pruth was printed (Grätz, MB 1419; Frankfurt, MB 1422).
In the spring of that year, the play was already in the repertoire of the
Weimar court theatre. “The idea of making a drama out of this material”
also appealed to Friedrich Schiller (1759-1805), as he wrote, on June 11,
1799, from Jena to his friend Goethe, then the Weimar court theatre’s
director: “But the play may not be that special since you did not say
anything about it,” Schiller presumed.
Among other things, this
contribution explores the question of what the subject was on which Goethe
remained silent..
13:00-14:30 Lunch
Break
(AAI-Café,
Türkenstr. 3, 1090 Vienna)
14:30-16:45
Session V (Closing Session)
“ Cross Europe II – From Denmark to The
Sublime Porte ”
Chair: Stefan
Hulfeld (Vienna)
Speakers:
Bent Holm (Copenhagen)
Annemarie Bönsch (Vienna)
Käthe Springer (Vienna)
1. Bent Holm (Copenhagen)
The ‘Turk’ on Stage in Danish 18th Century Theatre
In eighteenth-century Denmark the
‘Turk' appears in various performative contexts: in non-theatrical stagings,
such as royal or popular festivities; on stage as a character in translated
plays such as Voltaire’s (1694-1778) tragedy Zaira (Copenhagen 1757)
or Charles Simon Favart’s (1710-1792) opéra comique Soliman Second ou Les
Trois Sultanes (Copenhagen 1770); and on stage in comic or dramatic
plays written by Danish playwrights and produced for the Danish theatre.
These various depictions refer to historical-religious contexts, to
fascination and fashion, and to actual political events.
The paper will specifically focus
on two performances: the tragicomedy Melampe (1724) by Ludvig Holberg
(1684-1754), and the opera Holger Danske (“Holger the Dane”, 1789) by
Jens Baggesen (1764-1826) and Fl.L.Ae Kunzen (1761-1817). Melampe
takes place in southern Italy in the late 1690s. Part of the plot is
related to confrontations with the Osmanli Empire, and considered in light
of contemporary texts such as Luther’s treatises, Melampe presents
the Turk in an apocalyptical perspective. Holger Danske deals with
the eponymous legendary Danish national hero. Holger arrives to the
Sultan’s court as an envoy from Charlemagne. The opera depicts the Osmanli
conduct and mentality in a significant contrast to those of the chivalrous
Nordic hero. At the time (1788-1789), Denmark was at war with Sweden as a
consequence of the Swedish-Russian conflict. Sweden shared interests with
the Osmanli Empire in that connection. As we will see, the image of the
‘Turk’ had complex implications.
2. Annemarie Bönsch (Vienna)
‘Turkish’ and ‘Exotic’ References in the Fashion of the Second Half of the
Eighteenth Century
The pan-European character of the
Enlightenment presented itself without a consciousness of nationalities, but
also without a sense of history. This meant there was no demand for
historical or national authenticity in fashion and the theatre. The idea of
tolerance probably resulted from this attitude (Voltaire: L'Orphelin de
la Chine, Paris 1755; Gotthold Ephraim Lessing: Nathan der Weise,
Berlin 1779; W. A. Mozart/Johann Gottlieb Stephanie according to Christoph
Friedrich Bretzner: Die Entführung aus dem Serail, Wien 1782).
Superficial, global enthusiasm for ‘exotic’ themes emerged, as evident in
the famous example of Marie Antoinette’s Creole shirt of 1783. Without any
regard of losses, aristocrats availed themselves of everything in the world.
Time and again, they dressed à la turque, à la circassienne,
à la polonaise, or even according to native models such as à la
cauchoise, evoking he style of Caux in Normandy. But these were
frequently merely designations, with concrete signals that are no longer
discernible today. At the time, they presumably glossed over these
considerations by placing the “à la” in front of the words. They did not
have the intention of confronting the feigned authenticity, but hid behind
it.
As a result, nations encountered
each other without difficulties at the masked balls of the court. In the
late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, for example, the emperor
and empress acted in “hostels” (“Wirtschaft”) as innkeepers and the guests
appeared as farmers from all four corners of the earth, representing nations
that were enemies at the time.
In late eighteenth century the
supranational search for a common “European” fashion model ultimately ended
in antiquity, and Hellenistic clothing gave rise to Empire fashion.
3. Käthe Springer (Vienna)
Mozart Goes Constantinople! The Real Conditions of a Fictitious Journey
In August of 1791, Mozart
received an invitation to Constantinopel (usually called Konstantiniyye by
the Ottomans, Istanbul since 1930) or “Constantinopl”, as his father called
that city in a letter from Vienna, dated 10 December 1762, to Johann Lorenz
Hagenauer (1712-1792) in Salzburg. The Treaty of Sistova (today Svishtov,
Bulgaria) of 4 August 1791 had just ended the last war between the Habsburg
and the Ottoman Empires (1788-1791), making possible a journey from Vienna
to Constantinople. Indeed, such travel was even desirable because the
consequences of the war were bitter for Mozart who found himself with a
falling-off in commissions. Trips to Berlin (1789) and Frankfurt am Main
(1790) had not brought the desired professional results and he had rejected
an invitation to the metropolis of London in November 1790. On top of this
all, the new empress disliked La clemenza di Tito (“Titus’
Mildness”), the opera for the new emperor that was staged in Prague,
September 6, 1791. It was then that Mozart received a summons to the other
“imperial city”, to the court of the Sultan, Selim III (ruled 1789-1807),
who was barely thirty years old at the time. Mozart, in his thirty-sixth
year, accepted the invitation with alacrity. In October, following the
premiere of the “great romantic opera” Die Zauberflöte (“The Magic
Flute”) in Vienna on September 30, 1791, Mozart headed off. To pass the time
during the journey, he composed his final work, Kleine Freimaurer-Kantate
(“Little Freemason Cantata”), in a spirit of optimism and with the hope of
performing it at the lodges of Smyrna (Izmir, since 1930) or Constantinople.
Or was it the composer’s gift to his host in Hermannstadt?
It was to be Mozart’s last
journey. His wife Konstanze (1762-1842), who was taking a cure in Baden
near Vienna because of a leg ailment, remained behind in the company of
Mozart’s student, Franz Xaver Süßmayr (1766-1803). She did not expect that
she would never again see Wolfgang alive but he died on December 5, 1791 in
Constantinople. - Or did he?
This fictitious journey gives us
the opportunity to demonstrate how people travelled during Mozart’s lifetime
in the second half of the eighteenth century, and to consider the
requirements and conditions of such a journey, the type of infrastructure
that existed, the modes of transportation and routes that were taken, etc.
The presentation will comment on how this period fits into the history of
travel, and give a sense of Mozart as a traveller. But first and foremost,
it will describe the possible journey made by the composer into the Ottoman
Empire: for him, an artistic experiment to put to the test the ‘Oriental’
fantasies that were popular on European stages in the eighteenth century.
These fantasies themselves are to be analyzed during the course of this
symposium at the relevant locations: Vienna and Istanbul. For some of the
conference participants, both of these cities are connected by real travel;
for others, their journeys will be imaginary expeditions like Mozart’s. May
all of us have a pleasant journey and new scholarly insights as we depart
into the unknown.
16:45-17:00 Coffee Break
17:00-18:00 Roundtable Discussion
Comments, Reflections (Free Speech)
19:30 Symposium Closing
Evening:
Dinner at Summerstage, Roßauer Lände, 1090 Vienna
27th April 2008, Sunday
10:00-12:00 Coffee Meeting at Don Juan
Archiv, Goethegasse
1/4/1, 1010 Vienna
Preview:
(Act
II) ISTANBUL
5th June 2008,
Thursday
Chair: Aysin
Candan (Istanbul)
1. Walter Puchner
(Athens): Earliest
Performances of European Drama in 17th Century Istanbul
2. William F. Parmentier
(Istanbul): The mehter: Cultural
Perceptions and Interpretations of Turkish Drum and Bugle Music through
History
3. Babür Turna
(Ankara): The Watcher and The Watched: 18th Century Ottoman
diplomatic Visitors in Europe as Spectators and ‘Performers’
Chair: Suraiya
Faroqhi (Istanbul)
1. Günsel Renda
(Istanbul): Sultan III Selim – A Reformer’s Life
2. Aysin Candan
(Istanbul): Sultan Selim III and His Play World
3. Mustafa Fatih Salgar:
Sultan Selim III as A Man of Letters and Art
Chair: Gertrude
Durusoy (Izmir)
1. Ulf Birbaumer
(Vienna): ‘Exotism’ and ‘Turqueries’ in the Parisian Théâtre de la Foire of
the Early 18th Century and in the Viennese Bernardoniades
of the Mid-18th Century
2. Lale Babaoglu
(Istanbul): “Summa Turcica” - The Image of the ‘Turk’ in 18th
Century’s German Language Drama
3. Michael Hüttler
(Vienna): Representation of ‘Turks’ on the Late 18th Century
Vienna Stage – ‘Oriental’ Fantasies or Political Reality ?
Chair: Michael
Hüttler (Vienna)
1. Matthew Head (London)
“In the Orient of Vienna”: Mozart’s Turkish Music (1771-1791) and the
Theatrical Self
2. Nadja Kayali
(Vienna): Mozart’s ‘Orient’ on Stage
Chair: Gertrude
Durusoy (Izmir)
1. Hans-Peter Kellner
(Copenhagen): From the Prince of Denmark in the Sultan’s Harem to Don
Juan in the Royal Danish Chambers : The forgotten Composer
Friedrich Ludwig Aemilius Kunzen (1761-1817)
2. Hans Ernst Weidinger
(Vienna): “In Turchia novantuna” – Don Juan Crossing The Ottoman World
16:30-17:30 Roundtable Discussion
19:30 Symposium Closing Program
Concert at the Austrian Cultural Forum
|